Table of Contents
Appendices
.
.
APPENDIX 1.
CHRONOLOGICAL TREATISE AND TABLES
THE point of contact between sacred and profane chronology, and therefore the
first certain date, in biblical history, is the accession of Nebuchadnezzar to
the throne of Babylon (cf. Daniel 1:1 and Jeremiah 25:1). From this date
we reckon on to Christ and back to Adam. The agreement of leading chronologers
is a sufficient guarantee that David began to reign in B.C. l056-5, and
therefore that all dates subsequent to that event can be definitely fixed. But
beyond this epoch, certainty vanishes.. The marginal dates of our English
Bible represent: in the main Archbishop Ussher's chronology,
[*]
and notwithstanding his eminence as a chronologer some of these dates are
doubtful, and others entirely wrong.
Of the doubtful dates in Ussher's scheme the reigns of Belshazzar and "Ahasuerus"
may serve as examples. Belshazzar's case is specially interesting. Scripture
plainly states that he was King of Babylon at its conquest by the Medo-Persians,
and that he was slain the night Darius entered the city. On the other hand, not
only does no ancient historian mention Belshazzar, but all agree that the last
king of Babylon was Nabonidus, who was absent from the city when the Persians
captured it, and who afterwards submitted to the conquerors at Borsippa. Thus
the contradiction between history and Scripture appeared to be absolute.
Skeptics appealed to history to discredit the book of Daniel; and commentators
solved or shirked the difficulty by rejecting history. The cuneiform
inscriptions, however, have now settled the controversy in a manner as
satisfactory as it was unexpected. On clay cylinders discovered by Sir H.
Rawlinson at Mughier and other Chaldean sites, Belshazzar (Belsaruzur) is named
by Nabonidus as his eldest son. The inference is obvious, that during the latter
years of his father's reign, Belshazzar was King-Regent in Babylon. According to
Ptolemy's canon Nabonidus reigned seventeen years (from s. c. 555 to B.C. 538),
and Ussher gives these years to Belshazzar.
In common with many other writers, Ussher has assumed that the King of the book
of Esther was Darius Hystaspes, but it is now generally agreed that it is the
son and successor of Darius who is there mentioned as Ahasuerus "a name which
orthographically corresponds with the Greek Xerxes."
[1]
The great durbar of the first chapter of Esther, held in his third
year (ver. 3), was presumably with a view to his expedition against Greece (B.C.
483); and the marriage of Esther was in his seventh year (2:16), having been
delayed till then on account of his absence during the campaign. The marginal
dates of the book of Esther should therefore begin with B.C. 486, instead of
B.C. 521, as given in our English Bibles.
But these are comparatively trivial points, whereas the principal error of
Ussher's chronology is of real importance. According to 1 Kings 6:1, Solomon
began to build the Temple "in the 480th year after the children of Israel were
come out of the land of Egypt." The mystic character of this era of 480 years
has been noticed in an earlier chapter. Ussher assumed that it represented a
strictly chronological period, and reckoning back from the third year of
Solomon, he fixed the date of the Exodus as B.C. 1491, an error which vitiates
his entire system.
Acts 13:18-21, St. Paul, in treating of the interval between the Exodus and the
end of Saul's reign, specifies three several periods; viz., 40 years, about
450 years, and 40 years = 530 years. From the accession of David to the
third year of Solomon, when the temple was founded, was forty-three years.
According to this enumeration therefore, the period between the Exodus and the
temple was 530 + 43 years = 573 years. Clinton, however, whose chronology has
been very generally adopted, conjectures that there was an interval of
twenty-seven years between the death of Moses and the first servitude, and an
interval of twelve years between "Samuel the prophet" (1 Samuel 7) and the
election of Saul. Accordingly he estimates the period between the Exodus and the
temple as 573 + 27 + 12 years = 612 years. [2]
Clinton's leading dates, therefore, are as follows:--
In this chronology Browne proposes three corrections (Ordo Sec., Ch.
10, 13); viz., he rejects the two conjectural terms of twenty-seven years and
twelve years above noticed; and he adds two years to the period between the
Deluge and the Exodus. If this last correction be adopted (and it is perfectly
legitimate, considering that approximate accuracy is all that the ablest
chronologer can claim to have attained for this era), let three years be
added to the period between the Deluge and the Covenant with Abraham, and the
latter event becomes exactly, as it is in any case approximately, the central
epoch between the Creation and the Crucifixion. The date of the Deluge will thus
be put back to B.C. 2485, and therefore the Creation will be B.C. 4141.
The following most striking features appear in the chronology as thus settled:--
The Covenant here mentioned is that recorded in Genesis 12 in connection with
the call of Abraham. The statements of Scripture relating to this part of the
chronology may seem to need explanation in two respects.
Stephen declares in Acts 7:4 that Abraham's removal from Haran (or Charran) took
place after the death of his father. But Abraham was only seventy-five
years of age when he entered Canaan; whereas if we assume from Genesis 11:26
that Abraham was born when Terah was but seventy, he must have been one hundred
and thirty at the call, for Terah died at two hundred and five. (Compare Genesis
11:26, 31, 32; 12:4.) The fact however is obvious from these statement that
though named first among the sons of Terah, Abraham was not the firstborn, but
the youngest: Terah was seventy when his eldest son was born, and he had three
sons, Haran, Nahor, and Abraham. To ascertain his age at Abraham's birth we must
needs turn to the history, and there we learn it was one hundred and thirty
years. [4]
And this will account for the deference Abraham paid to Lot, who, though
his nephew, was nevertheless his equal in years, possibly his senior; and
moreover, as the son of Abraham's eldest brother, the nominal head of the
family. (Genesis 13:8, 9.)
Again. According to Exodus 12:40 "the sojourning of the children of Israel, who
dwelt in Egypt, was 430 years." If this be taken to mean (as the statement in
Genesis 15:13, quoted by Stephen in Acts 7:6, might also seem to imply) that the
Israelites were four centuries in Egypt, the entire chronology must be changed.
But, as St. Paul explains in Galatians 3:17, these 430 years are to be computed
from the call of Abraham, and not from the going down of Israel into Egypt. The
statement in Genesis 15:13 is explained and qualified by the words which follow
in ver. 16. The entire period of Israel's wanderings was to be four centuries,
but when the passage speaks definitely of their sojourn in Egypt it says' "In
the fourth generation they shall come hither again" a word which was
accurately fulfilled, for Moses was the fourth in descent from Jacob.
[5]
It was not till 470 years after the covenant with Abraham that his
descendants took their place as one of the nations of the earth. They were
slaves in Egypt, and in the wilderness they were wanderers; but under Joshua
they entered the land of promise and became a nation. And with this last event
begins a series of cycles of "seventy weeks" of years.
Again the period Between the dedication of the first temple in the eleventh
year of Solomon (B.C. 1066-5) and the dedication of the second temple in the
sixth year of Darius Hystaspes of Persia (B.C. 515), was 490 years.
[6]
Are we to conclude that these results are purely accidental? No
thoughtful person will hesitate to accept the more reasonable alternative that
the chronology of the world is part of a Divine plan or "economy of times and
seasons."
The chronological inquiry suggested by the data afforded by the books of 2
Kings, 2 Chronicles, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and Daniel, is of principal importance,
not only as establishing the absolute accuracy of Scripture, but also because it
throws light upon the main question of the several eras of the captivity, which
again are closely allied with the era of the seventy weeks.
The student of the book of Daniel finds every step beset with difficulties,
raised either by avowed enemies, or quasi expositors of Holy Writ. Even
the opening statement of the book has been assailed on all sides. That Daniel
was made captive in the third year of Jehoiakim "is simply an invention of late
Christian days," declares the author of Messiah the Prince (p. 42), in
keeping with the style in which this writer disposes of history sacred and
profane, in order to support his own theories.
In Dean Milman's History of the Jews, the page which treats of this epoch is
full of inaccuracies. First he confounds the seventy years of the desolations,
predicted in Jeremiah 25., with the seventy years of the servitude, which had
already begun. Then as the prophecy of Jeremiah 25: was given in the fourth year
of Jehoiakim, he fixes the first capture of Jerusalem in that year, whereas
Scripture expressly states it took place in Jehoiakim's third year (Daniel 1:1).
He proceeds to specify B.C. 601 as the year of Nebuchadnezzar's invasion; and
here the confusion is hopeless, as he mentions two periods of three years each
between that date and the king's death, which nevertheless he rightly assigns to
the year B.C. 598.
Again, Dr. F. W. Newman's article on the Captivities, in Kitto's
Cyclopaedia, well deserves notice as a specimen of the kind of criticism to
be found in standard books ostensibly designed to aid the study of Scripture.
This writer's conclusions are adopted by Dean Stanley in his Jewish Church
(vol. 2., p. 459), wherein he enumerates among the captives taken with
Jehoiachin in the eighth year of Nebuchadnezzar, the prophet Daniel, who had
gained a position at the court of Babylon six years before Jehoiachin came to
the throne! (Compare 2 Kings 24:12 with Daniel 2:1.)
A reference to the Five Great Monarchies (vol. 3., pp. 488-494), and the
Fasti Hellenici, will show how thoroughly consistent the sacred history
of this period appears to the mind of a historian or a chronologer; and moreover
how completely it harmonizes with the extant fragments of the history of Berosus.
Jehoiakim did in fact reign eleven years. In his third year he became the vassal
of the King of Babylon. For three years he paid tribute, and in his sixth year
he revolted. There is not a shadow of reason for believing that the first verse
of Daniel is spurious; and apart from all claim to Divine sanction for the book,
the idea that such a writer a man of princely rank and of the highest culture,
(Daniel 1:3, 4.) and raised to the foremost place among the wise and noble of
Babylonia was ignorant of the date and circumstances of his own exile, is
simply preposterous. But according to Dr. Newman, he needed to refer to the book
of Chronicles for the information, and was deceived thereby! A comparison of the
statements in Kings, Chronicles, and Daniel clearly establishes that the
narratives are independent, each giving details omitted in the other books. The
second verse of Daniel appears inconsistent with the rest only to a mind capable
of supposing that the living king of Judah was placed as an ornament in the
temple of Belus along with the holy vessels; for so Dr. Newman has read it. And
the apparent inconsistency in 2 Chronicles 36:6 disappears when read with the
context, for the eighth verse shows the writer's knowledge that Jehoiakim
completed his reign in Jerusalem. Moreover the correctness of the entire history
is signally established by fixing the chronology of the events, a crucial test
of accuracy.
Jerusalem was first taken by the Chaldeans in the third year of Jehoiakim
(Daniel 1:1). His fourth year was current with the first of Nebuchadnezzar
(Jeremiah 25:1). This accords with the deft, the statement of Berosus that
Nebuchadnezzar's first expedition took place before his actual accession (Jos.,
Apion, 1. 19). According to the canon of Ptolemy, the accuracy of which
has been fully established, the reign of Nebuchadnezzar dates from B.C. 604,
i.e., his accession was in the year beginning the first Thoth (which fell in
January) B.C. 604, and the history leaves no doubt it was early in that year.
But the captivity, according to the era of Ezekiel, began in Nebuchadnezzar's
eighth year (comp. Ezekiel 1:2 and 2 Kings 24:12); and in the thirty-seventh
year of the captivity, Nebuchadnezzar's successor was on the throne (2 Kings
25:27). This would give Nebuchadnezzar a reign of at least: forty-four years,
whereas according to the Canon (and Berosus confirms it) he reigned only
forty-three years, and was succeeded by Evil-Merodach
(the Iluoradam of the Canon), in B.C. 561.
It follows therefore that Scripture antedates the years of Nebuchadnezzar,
computing his reign from B.C. 605. [7]
This would be sufficiently accounted for by the fact that, from the
conquest of Jerusalem in the third year of Jehoiakim, the Jews acknowledged
Nebuchadnezzar as their suzerain. It has been overlooked, however, that it is in
accordance with the ordinary principle on which they reckoned regnal years,
computing them from Nisan to Nisan. In B.C. 604 the 1st Nisan fell on or about
the 1st April, [8]
and according to Jewish reckoning, the King's second year would begin on
that day, no matter how recently he had ascended the throne. Therefore "the
fourth year of Jehoiakim that was the first year of Nebuchadnezzar" (Jeremiah
25:1), was the year beginning Nisan B.C. 605; and the third of Jehoiakim, in
which Jerusalem was taken and the servitude began, was the year beginning Nisan
B.C. 606.
This result is most remarkably confirmed by Clinton, who fixes the summer of
B.C. 606 as the date of Nebuchadnezzar's first expedition.
[9]
It is further confirmed by, and affords the explanation of a statement of
Daniel, which has been triumphantly appealed to in depreciation of the value of
his book. If, it is urged, the King of Babylon kept Daniel three years in
training before admitting him to his presence, how could the prophet have
interpreted the King's dream in his second year? (Daniel 1:5, 18; 2:1). Daniel,
a citizen of Babylon, and a courtier withal, naturally and of course computed
his sovereign's reign according to the common era in use around him (as Nehemiah
afterwards did in like circumstances.) But as the prophet was exiled in B.C.
606, his three years' probation terminated at the close of B.C. 603, whereas the
second year of Nebuchadnezzar, computed from his actual accession, extended to
some date in the early months of B.C. 602.
Again. The epoch of Jehoiachin's captivity was in the
eighth year of Nebuchadnezzar (2 Kings 24:12), i.e., his eighth year as
reckoned from Nisan.
But the ninth year of the captivity was still current on the tenth Tebeth in the
ninth year of Zedekiah and seventeenth of Nebuchadnezzar (comp. Ezekiel 24:1, 2,
with 2 Kings 25:1-8).
And the nineteenth year of Nebuchadnezzar and eleventh of Zedekiah, in which
Jerusalem was destroyed, was in part concurrent
with the twelfth year of the captivity (comp. 2 Kings 25:2-8 with Ezekiel
33:21).
It follows therefore that Jehoiachin (Jeconiah) must have been taken at
the close of the Jewish year ("when the year was expired," 2 Chronicles
36:10), that is the year preceding 1st Nisan, B.C. 597; and Zedekiah was made
king (after a brief interregnum) early in the year beginning on that day.
[10]
And it also follows that whether computed according to the era of
Nebuchadnezzar, of Zedekiah, or of the captivity, B.C. 587 was the year in which
"the city was smitten." [11]
The first link in this chain of dates is the third year of Jehoiakim, and
every new link confirms the proof of the correctness and importance of that
date. It has been justly termed the point of contact between sacred and profane
history; and its importance in the sacred chronology is immense on account of
its being the epoch of the servitude of Judah to the King of Babylon.
The servitude must not be confounded with the captivity, as it generally is. It
was rebellion against the Divine decree which entrusted the imperial scepter to
Nebuchadnezzar, that brought on the Jews the further judgment of a national
deportation, and the still more terrible chastisement of the "desolations." The
language of Jeremiah is most definite in this respect. "I have given all these
lands into the hand of Nebuchadnezzar, the king of Babylon, my servant." "The
nation which will not serve the same Nebuchadnezzar, the king of Babylon, that
nation will I punish, saith the Lord, with the sword, and with the famine, and
with the pestilence, until I have consumed them by his hand." But the nations
that bring their neck under the yoke of the king of Babylon, and serve him,
those will I let remain still in their own land, saith the Lord, and they
shall till it and dwell therein" (Jeremiah 27:6, 8 11; and comp. chap.38:17-21).
The appointed era of this servitude was seventy years, and the twenty-ninth
chapter of Jeremiah was a message of hope to the captivity, that at the
expiration of that period they should return to Jerusalem (ver. 10). The
twenty-fifth chapter, oil the oilier hand, was a prediction for the rebellious
Jews who remained in Jerusalem after the servitude had commenced, warning them
that their stubborn disobedience would bring on them utter destruction, and that
for seventy years the whole land should be "a desolation."
To recapitulate. The thirty-seventh year of the captivity was current on the
accession of Evil-Merodach (2 Kings 25:27), and the epoch of that king's reign
was B.C. 561. Therefore the captivity dated from the year beginning Nisan 598
and ending Adar 597. But this was the eighth year of Nebuchadnezzar according to
Scripture reckoning. Therefore his first year was Nisan 605 to Nisan 604. The
first capture of Jerusalem and the beginning of the servitude was during the
preceding year, 606-605. The final destruction of the city was in
Nebuchadnezzar's nineteenth year, i.e., 587, and the siege began 10th
Tebeth (or about 25th December), 589, which was the epoch of the desolations.
The burning of Jerusalem cannot have been B.C. 588, as given by Ussher, Prideaux,
etc., for in that case [12]
the captivity would have begun B.C. 599, and the thirty-seventh year
would have ended before the accession of Evil-Merodach. Nor can it have been
B.C. 586, as given by Jackson, Hales, etc., for then the thirty-seventh year
would not have begun during Evil-Merodach's first year.
[13]
This scheme is practically the same as Clinton's,
[14]
and the sanction of his name may be claimed for it, for it differs from
his only in that he dates Jehoiakim's reign from August B.C. 609, and
Zedekiah's from June B.C. 598, his attention not having been called to
the Jewish practice of computing reigns from Nisan; whereas I have fixed
Nisan B.C. 608 as the epoch of Jehoiakim's reign, and Nisan B.C. 597 for
Zedekiah's. Not of course that Nisan was in fact the month-date of the
accession, but that, according to the rule of the Mishna and the practice
of the nation, the reign was so reckoned. Jehoiakim's date could not be
Nisan B.C. 609, because his fourth year was also the first of Nebuchadnezzar,
and the thirty-seventh year, reckoned from the eighth of Nebuchadnezzar, was the
first of Evil-Merodach, i.e., B.C. 561, which date fixes the whole
chronology as Clinton himself conclusively argues. [15]
It follows from this also that: Zedekiah's date must be B.C. 597, and not
598.
The chronology adopted by Dr. Pusey [16]
is essentially the same as Clinton's. The scheme here proposed differs
from it only to the extent and on the grounds above indicated. His suggestion:
that the fast proclaimed in the fifth year of Jehoiakim (Jeremiah 36:9.)
referred to the capture of Jerusalem in his third year, is not improbable, and
points to Chisleu (Nov.) B.C. 606 as the date of that event. For the reasons
above stated, it could not have been B.C. 607, as Dr. Pusey supposes, and the
same argument proves that Canon Rawlinson's date for Nebuchadnezzar's expedition
(B.C. 605) is a year too late. [17]
The correctness of this scheme will, I presume, be admitted, as regards
the cardinal point of difference between it and Clinton's chronology, namely,
that the reigns of the Jewish kings are reckoned from Nisan. It remains to
notice the points of difference between the results here offered and Browne's
hypotheses (Orda Saec., Ch. 162-169). He arbitrarily assumes that
Jehoiachin's captivity and Zedekiah's reign began on the same day. This
leads him to assume further (1) that they were reckoned from the same
day, viz., the 1st Nisan, and (2) that Nebuchadnezzar's royal years dated from
some date between 1st Nisan and 10 Ab 606 (Ch. 166). Both these positions
are untenable. (1) The Jews certainly reckoned the reigns of their kings from
1st Nisan, but there is no proof that they so reckoned the years of ordinary
periods or eras such as the captivity. (2) The presumption is strong, confirmed
by all the synchronisms of the chronology, that they computed Nebuchadnezzar's
royal era either according to the Chaldean reckoning, as in Daniel, or according
to their own system, as in the other books.
TABLE #1-- CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE
The following table will show at a glance the several eras of the servitude
to Babylon, king Jehoiachin's captivity, and the desolations of Jerusalem.
In using the table it is essential to bear in mind two points already stated.
If these points be kept in view the chronology of the table will be found to
harmonize every chronological statement relating to the period embraced
in it, contained in the Books of Kings, Chronicles, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and
Daniel.
|
|
||||||
|
Jewish Year* |
Kings of Babylon |
Kings of Judah |
Era of the Servitude |
Era of the Captivity |
|
Events and Remarks |
|
B.C. |
20th year of Nabopolassar |
3rd year of Jehoiakim (Eliakim) |
1 |
- |
- |
The 3rd year of Jehoiakim, from 1st Nisan, 606, to 1st Nisan, 605. Jerusalemtaken by Nebuchadnezzar (Dan. i. 1, 2), see p. 231, ante. With this event the servitude to Babylon began, 490 years (or 70 weeks of years) after the establishment of the Kingdom under Saul. "The 4th year of Jehoiakim, that was the 1st year of Nebuchadnezzar," i.e., the year beginning 1st Nisan, 605 (Jer. xxv. 1). |
|
605 |
Nebuchad |
4 |
2 |
- |
- |
|
|
604 |
2 |
5 |
3 |
- |
- |
Vision of the great image (Dan. ii). |
|
603 |
3 |
6 |
4 |
- |
- |
- |
|
602 |
4 |
7 |
5 |
- |
- |
- |
|
601 |
5 |
8 |
6 |
- |
- |
- |
|
600 |
6 |
9 |
7 |
- |
- |
- |
|
599 |
7 |
10 |
8 |
- |
- |
- |
|
598 |
8 |
11 |
9 |
1 |
- |
This year included the 3 months' reign of Jehoiachin (Jeconiah), whose captivity began in the 8th year of Nebuchadnezzar (2 Kings xxiv. 12, see pp. 234, 236, ante). |
|
3 months of Jehoiachin |
||||||
|
597 |
9 |
Zedekiah |
10 |
2 |
- |
Reigned 11 years (2 Kings xxiv. 18). |
|
596 |
10 |
2 |
11 |
3 |
- |
- |
|
595 |
11 |
3 |
12 |
4 |
- |
- |
|
594 |
12 |
4 |
13 |
5 |
- |
Ezekiel began to prophesy in the 30th year from Josiah's Passover (2 Kings xxiii. 23), and the 5th year of the captivity (Ezek. i. 1,2.) |
|
593 |
13 |
5 |
14 |
6 |
- |
- |
|
592 |
14 |
6 |
15 |
7 |
- |
- |
|
591 |
15 |
7 |
16 |
8 |
- |
- |
|
590 |
16 |
8 |
17 |
9 |
- |
- |
|
589 |
17 |
9 |
18 |
10 |
1 |
Jerusalem invested for the third time by Nebuchadnezzar, on the 10th day of Tebeth-- "the fast of Tebeth,"-- the epoch of the "Desolations" (see pp. 69, 70, ante). |
|
588 |
18 |
10 |
19 |
11 |
2 |
"The 10th year of Zedekiah, which was the 18th year of Nebuchadnezzar" (Jer. xxxii. 1). |
|
587 |
19 |
11 |
20 |
12 |
3 |
Jerusalem taken on the 9th day of the 4th month, and burnt on the 7th day of the 5th month in the 11th year of Zedekiah, and the 19th year of Nebuchadnezzar (2 Kings xxv. 2,3,8,9, see p. 234, ante), called "The 12th year of our Captivity" in Ezek. xxxiii. 21, the news having reached the exiles on the 5th day of the 10th month. |
|
586 |
20 |
- |
21 |
13 |
4 |
- |
|
585 |
21 |
- |
22 |
14 |
5 |
- |
|
584 |
22 |
- |
23 |
15 |
6 |
- |
|
583 |
23 |
- |
24 |
16 |
7 |
- |
|
582 |
24 |
- |
25 |
17 |
8 |
- |
|
581 |
25 |
- |
26 |
18 |
9 |
- |
|
580 |
26 |
- |
27 |
19 |
10 |
- |
|
579 |
27 |
28 |
20 |
11 |
- |
- |
|
578 |
28 |
29 |
21 |
12 |
- |
- |
|
577 |
29 |
30 |
22 |
13 |
- |
- |
|
576 |
30 |
31 |
23 |
14 |
- |
- |
|
575 |
31 |
32 |
24 |
15 |
- |
- |
|
574 |
32 |
33 |
25 |
16 |
- |
The 25th year of the Captivity was the 14th (inclusive, as the Jews usually reckoned) from the destruction of Jerusalem (Ezek. xl. 1). |
|
573 |
33 |
34 |
26 |
17 |
- |
- |
|
572 |
34 |
35 |
27 |
18 |
- |
- |
|
571 |
35 |
36 |
28 |
19 |
- |
- |
|
570 |
36 |
37 |
29 |
20 |
- |
- |
|
569 |
37 |
38 |
30 |
21 |
- |
- |
|
568 |
38 |
39 |
31 |
22 |
- |
- |
|
567 |
39 |
40 |
32 |
23 |
- |
- |
|
566 |
40 |
41 |
33 |
24 |
- |
- |
|
565 |
41 |
42 |
34 |
25 |
- |
- |
|
564 |
42 |
43 |
35 |
26 |
- |
- |
|
563 |
43 |
44 |
36 |
27 |
- |
- |
|
562 |
44 |
45 |
37 |
28 |
- |
According to the Canon, the accession of Iluoradam (Evil-Merodach) was in the year beginning 1st Thoth (11th Jan.) B.C. 561, (see p. 232, ante). But the year 562 in this table is the Jewish year, i.e., the year preceding 1st Nisan (or about 5th April 561, and the 37th year of Jehoiachin's captivity was current till towards the close of that year. In this year Jehoiachin was "brought forth out of prison." (Jer. lii. 31). |
|
561 |
Evil-Merodach |
46 |
38 |
29 |
- |
- |
|
560 |
2 |
47 |
39 |
30 |
- |
- |
|
559 |
Neriglissar or Nergalsherezer |
48 |
40 |
31 |
- |
- |
|
558 |
2 |
- |
49 |
41 |
32 |
- |
|
557 |
3 |
- |
50 |
42 |
33 |
- |
|
556 |
4 |
- |
51 |
43 |
34 |
- |
|
555 |
Nabonidus |
- |
52 |
44 |
35 |
The Nabonadius of the Canon is called Nabunnahit in the Inscriptions, and Labynetus by Herodotus. |
|
554 |
2 |
- |
53 |
45 |
36 |
- |
|
553 |
3 |
- |
54 |
46 |
37 |
- |
|
552 |
4 |
- |
55 |
47 |
38 |
- |
|
551 |
5 |
- |
56 |
48 |
39 |
- |
|
550 |
6 |
- |
57 |
49 |
40 |
- |
|
549 |
7 |
- |
58 |
50 |
41 |
- |
|
548 |
8 |
- |
59 |
51 |
42 |
- |
|
547 |
9 |
- |
60 |
52 |
43 |
- |
|
546 |
10 |
- |
61 |
53 |
44 |
- |
|
545 |
11 |
- |
62 |
54 |
45 |
- |
|
544 |
12 |
- |
63 |
55 |
46 |
- |
|
543 |
13 |
- |
64 |
56 |
47 |
- |
|
542 |
14 |
- |
65 |
57 |
48 |
- |
|
541 |
15 |
- |
66 |
58 |
49 |
In or before this year, Belshazzar (the Belsaruzur of the Inscriptions) became regent in the lifetime of his father, Nabonadius. Daniel's vision of the Four Beasts was in the 1st year, and his vision of the Ram and the Goat was in the 3rd year of Belshazzar (Dan. vii., viii.). |
|
540 |
16 |
- |
67 |
59 |
50 |
- |
|
539 |
17 |
- |
68 |
60 |
51 |
- |
|
538 |
Darius (the Mede) |
- |
69 |
61 |
52 |
Babylon taken by Cyrus. Daniel's vision of the 70 weeks was in this year. |
|
537 |
2 |
- |
70 |
62 |
53 |
- |
|
536 |
Cyrus |
- |
- |
- |
54 |
Decree of Cyrus authorizing the Jews to return to Jerusalem: end of the Servitude. (N.B. The 70th year of the Servitude was current till the 1st Nisan, 536.) |
|
535 |
2 |
- |
- |
- |
55 |
- |
|
534 |
3 |
- |
- |
- |
56 |
Year of Daniel's last vision (Dan. x.-xii.). |
|
533 |
4 |
- |
- |
- |
57 |
- |
|
532 |
5 |
- |
- |
- |
58 |
- |
|
531 |
6 |
- |
- |
- |
59 |
- |
|
530 |
7 |
- |
- |
- |
60 |
- |
|
529 |
Cambyses |
- |
- |
- |
61 |
- |
|
528 |
2 |
- |
- |
- |
62 |
- |
|
527 |
3 |
- |
- |
- |
63 |
- |
|
526 |
4 |
- |
- |
- |
64 |
- |
|
525 |
5 |
- |
- |
- |
65 |
- |
|
524 |
6 |
- |
- |
- |
66 |
- |
|
523 |
7 |
- |
- |
- |
67 |
- |
|
522 |
8 |
- |
- |
- |
68 |
- |
|
521 |
Darius I |
- |
- |
- |
69 |
Darius Hystaspes (p. 57, ante). |
|
520 |
2 |
- |
- |
- |
70 |
End of the Desolations. The foundation of the Second Temple was laid on the 24th day of the 9th month in the 2nd year of Darius (Hag. ii. 18, see p. 70, ante). |
|
519 |
3 |
- |
- |
- |
- |
- |
|
518 |
4 |
- |
- |
- |
- |
- |
|
517 |
5 |
- |
- |
- |
- |
- |
|
516 |
6 |
- |
- |
- |
- |
The Temple was finished on the 3rd day of Adar in the 6th year of Darius (Ezra vi. 15). |
|
7 |
- |
- |
- |
- |
The Temple was dedicated at the Passover in Nisan 515 (Ezra vi. 15-22), 490 years after the dedication of Solomon's temple (B.C. 1005), and 70 years before the date of the edict to build the city (see p. 66, ante). | |
| BC | ||
| 4141* Adam The Creation | ||
| to | = 1656 yrs | |
| 2485* Noah The Flood |
+ |
= 2086 yrs |
| to | = 430 yrs | |
| 2055 Abraham The Covenant** | ||
| to | = 430 yrs | |
| 1625 Moses The Law |
+ |
= 2086 yrs |
| to | = 1656 yrs | |
| AD 32*** Christ The Crucifixion |
TABLE #3--
CERTAIN LEADING DATES IN HISTORY, SACRED AND PROFANE
[19]
.
.
TABLE #4--
THE JEWISH MONTHS
Nisan, or Abib ... March April.
Zif, or Iyar ... April May.
Sivan ... May June.
Tammuz ... June July.
Ab ... July August.
Elul ... August September.
Tisri, or Ethanim ... September October.
Bul, or Marchesvan ... October November.
Chisleu ... November December
Tebeth ... December January
Sebat ... January February
Adar ... February March
Ve-Adar (the intercalary month).
Full information on the subject of the present "Hebrew Calendar" will be found
in an article so entitled in Encyc. Brit. (9th ed.), and also in Lindo's
Jewish Calendar, a Jewish work. The Mishna is the earliest work
relating to it.
APPENDIX 2. Back
to Top
MISCELLANEOUS: WHO AND WHEN
NOTE A
ARTAXERXES LONGIMANUS AND THE CHRONOLOGY OF HIS REIGN
So thorough is the unanimity with which the Artaxerxes of Nehemiah is now
admitted to be Longimanus, that it is no longer necessary to offer proof of it.
Josephus indeed attributes these events to Xerxes, but his history of the reigns
of Xerxes and Artaxerxes is so hopelessly in error as to be utterly worthless.
In fact he transposes the events of these respective reigns (see, Ant.
11., caps 5: and 7.) Nehemiah's master reigned not less than thirty-two years
(Nehemiah 13:6); and his reign was subsequent to that of Darius Hystaspes (comp.
Ezra 6:1 and 7:1), and prior to that of Darius Nothus (Nehemiah 12:22). He must,
therefore, be either Longimanus or Mnemon, for no other king after Darius
Hystaspes reigned thirty-two years, and it is certain Nehemiah's mission was not
so late as the twentieth of Artaxerxes Mnemon, viz., B.C. 385.
This appears, first, from the general tenor of the history; second, because this
date is later than that of Malachi, whose prophecy must have been considerably
later than the time of Nehemiah; and third, because Eliashib, who was high
priest when Nehemiah came to Jerusalem, was grandson of Jeshua, who was high
priest in the first year of Cyrus (Nehemiah 3:1; 12:10; Ezra 2:2; 3:2); and from
the first year of Cyrus (B.C. 536), to the twentieth of Artaxerxes Longimanus
(B.C. 445), was ninety-one years, leaving room for precisely three generations.
[1]
Moreover, the eleventh chapter of Daniel, if read aright, affords
conclusive proof that the prophetic era dated from the time of Longimanus. The
second verse is generally interpreted as though it were but a disconnected
fragment of history, leaving a gap of over 130 years between it and the third
verse, whereas the chapter is a consecutive prediction of events within the
period of the seventy weeks. There were to be yet (i.e., after the
issuing of the decree to build Jerusalem) "three kings in Persia." These were
Darius Nothus (mentioned in Nehemiah 12:22), Artaxerxes Mnemon, and Ochus; the
brief reigns of Xerxes II., Sogdianus, and Arogus being overlooked as being,
what in fact they were, utterly unimportant. and indeed two of them are omitted
in the Canon of Ptolemy. "The fourth" (and last) king was Darius
Codomanus, whose fabulous wealth the accumulated horde of two centuries
attracted the cupidity of the Greeks. What sums of money Alexander found in Susa
is unknown, but the silver ingots and Hermione purple he seized after the battle
of Arbela were worth over [2]
£ 20, 000, 000. Verse 2 thus reaches to the close of the Persian Empire;
verse 3 predicts the rise of Alexander the Great; and verse 4 refers to the
division of his kingdom among his four generals.
According to Clinton (F. H., vol. 2., p. 380) the death of Xerxes was in July
B.C. 465, and the accession of Artaxerxes was in February B.C. 464. Artaxerxes
of course ignored the usurper's reign, which intervened, and reckoned his own
reign from the day of his father's death. Again, of course, Nehemiah, being an
officer of the court, followed the same reckoning. Had he computed his master's
reign from February 464, Chisleu and Nisan could not have fallen in the same
regnal year (Nehemiah 1:1; 2:1). No more could they, had be, according to the
Jewish practice, computed it from Nisan.
Dr. Pusey here remarks, [3]
This is altogether a mistake. As already mentioned, Chisleu and Nisan fell in
the same regnal year; and so also did Nisan and the first day of Ab (Ezra
7:8, 9). But the 1st Ab of B.C. 459 (the seventh year of Artaxerxes) fell on or
about the 16th July, and therefore the passages quoted are perfectly consistent
with the received chronology, and serve merely to enable us to fix the dates
more accurately still, and to decide that the death of Xerxes and the epoch of
the reign of Artaxerxes should be assigned to the latter part of July
B.C. 465.
Those who are not versed in what writers on prophecy have written on this
subject, will be surprised to learn that this date is assailed as being nine
years too late. All chronologers are agreed that Xerxes began to reign in B.C.
485, and that the death of Artaxerxes was in B.C. 423; and so far as I know, no
writer of repute, unbiased by prophetic study, assigns as the epoch of the
latter king's reign any other date than B.C. 465 [4]
(or 464; see ante). This is the date according to the Canon of
Ptolemy, which has been followed by all historians; and it is confirmed by the
independent testimony of Julius Africanus, who, in his Chronagraphy,
[5]
describes the twentieth year of Artaxerxes as the 115th year of the
Persian Empire [reckoned from Cyrus, B.C. 559] and the fourth year of the
eighty-third Olympiad. This fixes B.C. 464 as the first year of that king, as it
was in fact the year of his actual accession.
It was Archbishop Ussher who first raised a doubt upon the point. Lecturing on
"Daniel's Seventies" [6]
in Trinity College, Dublin, in the year 1613, difficulties connected with
his subject suggested an inquiry which led him ultimately to put back the reign
of Longimanus to B.C. 474, which is the date given in his Annales Vet.
Test. The same date was afterwards adopted by Vitringa, and a century later
by Kruger. But Hengstenberg is regarded as the champion of this view, and the
treatise thereon in his Chronology [7]
omits nothing that can be urged in its favor.
The objections raised to the received chronology depend mainly on the statement
of Thucydides, that Artaxerxes was on the throne when Themistocles reached the
Persian Court; for it is urged that the flight of Themistocles could not have
been so late as B.C. 464. [8]
But, as Dr. Pusey remarks, t "they have not made any impression on our
English writers who have treated of Grecian history." [9]
In common with the German writers, Dr. Pusey ignores Ussher altogether in
the controversy, though Dr. Tregelles [10]
. rightly claims for him the foremost place for scholarship among those
who have advocated the earlier date. The apparent difficulty of making the
prophecy and the chronology agree has led Dr. Pusey, following Prideaux, in
opposition to Scripture, to fix the seventh year of Artaxerxes as the epoch of
the seventy weeks, while it induced Dr. Tregelles [11]
sheltering behind Ussher's name, to adopt the B.C. 455 date for the
twentieth year of that king's reign. Bishop Lloyd when affixing Ussher's dates
to our English Bible reverted to the received chronology when dealing with the
book of Nehemiah.
It is unnecessary to enter here upon a discussion of this question. Nothing
short of a reproduction of the entire argument in favor of the new chronology
would satisfy its advocates; and for my present purpose it is a sufficient
answer to that argument, that although everything has been urged which ingenuity
and erudition can suggest in support of it, it has been rejected by all secular
writers. Unfulfilled prophecy is only for the believer, but prophecy fulfilled
has a voice for all. It is fortunate, therefore, that the proof of the
fulfillment of this prophecy of the seventy weeks does not depend on an
elaborate disquisition, like that of Hengstenberg's, to disturb the received
chronologies.
One point only I will notice. It is urged in favor of limiting the reign of
Xerxes to eleven years, that no event is mentioned in connection with his reign
after his eleventh year. The answer is obvious: first, that it is to Greek
historians, writing after his time, that we are mainly indebted for our
knowledge of Persian history; and secondly, the battles of Thermopylae and
Salamis may well have induced a king of the temperament and character of Xerxes
to give himself up to a life of indolent ease and sensual enjoyment.
But further, the twelfth year of Xerxes is expressly mentioned in the book of
Esther (3:7), and the narrative proves that his reign continued to the twelfth
(Jewish) month of his thirteenth year. [12]
Hengstenberg answers this by asserting that it was customary with Hebrew
writers to include in a regnal era the years of a co-regency where it existed,
and he appeals to the case of Nebuchadnezzar as a proof of such a custom.
[13]
If Nebuchadnezzar's reign was in fact reckoned thus, this solitary
instance would establish no such custom, for it would prove nothing more than
that the Jews in Jerusalem, knowing nothing of the politics or customs of
Babylon, reckoned Nebuchadnezzar's reign upon a system of their own. But I
believe this theory about Nebuchadnezzar's reign is a thorough blunder. If in
the sacred history he is called King of Babylon, in connection with his first
invasion of Judea, it is because the writers were his contemporaries. "Lord
Beaconsfield was Chancellor of the Exchequer in Lord Derby's administrations" is
a statement which will be rightly condemned as an anachronism if made by the
historian of the future, but it is precisely the language which would have been
used by a contemporary writer acquainted with the living statesman. I have shown
elsewhere (App. 1., ante) that the Jews reckoned Nebuchadnezzar's reign
according to their own custom, as dating from the Nisan preceding his accession.
Unless, therefore, some entirely new case can be made in support of the
co-regency theory of Xerxes's reign, it remains that the book of Esther is
absolutely conclusive against Ussher's date, and in favor of the received
chronology.
NOTE B
DATE OF THE NATIVITY
IN treating of the date of the birth of our Lord, the arguments in favor of
an earlier date than that which is here adopted are too well known to be left
unnoticed. Dr. Farrar states the question thus in his Life of Christ
(Excursus 1.):--
This passage is a typical illustration of the relative value attached to the
statements of sacred and profane historians. In the histories of Josephus an
incidental mention of an eclipse or of the length of a king's reign suffices to
give "absolute certainty," before which the clearest and most definite
statements of Holy Writ must give place, albeit they relate to matters of such
transcendent interest to the writers that even if the Evangelists be dismissed
to the category of mere historians, no mistake was possible.
The following is a more temperate statement of the question, by the Archbishop
of York, in an article (Jesus Christ) contributed to Smith's Bible
Dictionary.
According to this, the commonly received view, Herod's death took place
within the first six days of a Jewish year, and these days are reckoned as a
complete year in his regnal era. Now it is admitted that in computing time the
Jews generally included both the terminal units of a given period. A signal and
well-known instance of this is afforded by the words of the Lord Himself, when
He declared He would lie in death for three days and nights. What meaning did
these words convey to Jews? Four-and-twenty hours after His burial they came to
Pilate and said, "We remember that that deceiver said, while He was yet alive,
'After three days I will rise again;' command, therefore, that the
sepulcher be made sure until the third day." [15]
Had that Sunday passed leaving the seal upon the tomb unbroken, the
Pharisees would boldly have proclaimed their triumph; whereas, by our modes of
reckoning, the resurrection ought to have been deferred till Monday night, or
Tuesday morning. [16]
Again, it may be assumed that Herod's accession dated in fact from B.C.
40, and, therefore, that B.C. 4 was the thirty-seventh and last year of his
reign. Further it is probable he died shortly before a Passover. The
question remains whether his death occurred at the beginning or toward the close
of the Jewish year.
Josephus relates that when the event took place Archelaus remained in seclusion
during seven days, and then presented himself publicly to the people. His first
reception was not unfavorable, though he had to yield to many a popular demand
then pressed on him; and after the ceremonial, he "went and offered sacrifice to
God, and then betook himself to feast with his friends." Soon, however,
discontent and disaffection began to smolder and spread, and fresh demands were
made upon the king. To these again he yielded, though with less grace,
instructing his general to remonstrate with the people, and persuade them to
defer their petitions till his return from Rome. These appeals only increased
the prevailing dissatisfaction, and a riot ensued. The king still continued to
parley with the seditious, but, "upon the approach of the feast of
unleavened bread," when the capital became thronged with the Jews from the
country, the state of things became so alarming that Archelaus determined; to
suppress the rioters by force of arms. This was "upon the approach of the
feast," and the Jews considered the Passover was "nigh at hand" upon the eighth
day of Nisan, when they repaired to Jerusalem for the festival.
[17]
The Passover began the 14th Nisan. This final riot took place during the
preceding week. The earlier riot occurred before that again, £e., before the
date of the incursion of Jews for the festival, the 8th Nisan. This again was
preceded by some interval, measured from the day following the court
mourning for Herod, which had lasted seven days. The history, therefore,
establishes conclusively that Herod's death was more than fourteen days before
the Passover, and therefore at the close and not at the beginning of a Jewish
year.
But which year? His death must have been after the eclipse of 13th March,
B.C. 4 [18]
But the eclipse was only a month before the Passover of that year, and
his death was fourteen days at least before the Passover, could then the events
recorded by Josephus as occurring in the interval between the eclipse and the
king's death have taken place in a fortnight? Let the reader turn to the
Antiquities and judge for himself whether it be possible. The natural
inference from the history is that the death was not weeks but months after the
eclipse, and therefore, again, at the close of the year.
The correctness of this conclusion can be established by the application of the
strictest of all tests, that of referring to the historian's chronological
statements.
In his Wars (2:7, 3), Josephus assigns the banishment of Archelaus to the
ninth year of his government; in his later work (Ant., 17, 13, 3),
he states it was in his tenth year. And these dates are given with a
definiteness and in a manner which preclude the idea of a blunder. They are
connected with the narration of a dream in which Archelaus saw a number of ears
of corn (nine in the Wars, ten in the Antiquities), devoured by
oxen, presaging that the years of his rule were about to be brought abruptly
to an end. Now whether a ruler be Christian, Jew, or Turk, his ninth year is the
year beginning with the eighth anniversary of his government, and his tenth year
that beginning with the ninth anniversary; and it is mere casuistry to pretend
that there is either mystery or difficulty in the matter. It is evident that the
difference between the two statements of the historian is intentional, and that
in his two histories he computed the Ethnarch's government from two different
epochs. But if Herod died in the first week of the Jewish year, as these writers
maintain, this would be impossible, for Archelaus's actual accession would have
synchronized with his accession according to Jewish reckoning. Whereas if his
government dated from the close of a Jewish year, A.D. 6
[19]
would be his ninth year in fact, but his tenth year according to
Mishna rule of computing reigns from Nisan.
In numerous treatises on this subject will be found an argument based on John
2:20, "Forty and six years was this temple in building." According to Josephus
(it is urged), "Herod's reconstruction of the temple began in the eighteenth
year of his reign," [20]
and forty-six years from that date would fix A.D. 26 as the year in which
these words were spoken, and therefore as the first year of our Lord's ministry.
That writers of repute should have written thus may be described as a literary
phenomenon. Not only does Josephus not say what is thus attributed to
him, but his narrative disproves it. The foundation for the statement is that
either in his eighteenth or nineteenth year [21]
Herod made a speech proposing to rebuild the temple. But the historian
adds, that finding his intentions and promises thoroughly distrusted by the
people, "the king encouraged them, and told them he would not pull down their
temple till all things were gotten ready for building it up entirely again. And
as he promised them this beforehand, so he did not break his word with them, but
got ready a thousand wagons, that were to bring stones for the building, and
chose out ten thousand of the most skillful workmen, and bought a thousand
sacerdotal garments for the priests, and had some of them taught the art of
stone-cutters, and others of carpenters, and then began to
build; but this was not till everything was well prepared for the work."
[22]
What length of time these preparations occupied, it is of course
impossible to decide, but if, as Lewin supposes, the work was begun at the
Passover of B.C. 18, then forty-six years would bring us exactly to A.D. 29
the first Passover of the Lord's ministry.
NOTE C
CONTINUOUS HISTORICAL SYSTEM OF PROPHETIC INTERPRETATION
THE historical interpreters of prophecy have grasped a principle the
importance of which is abundantly proved by the striking parallelisms between
the visions of the Apocalypse and the events of the history of Christendom. But
not content with this, they have on the one hand brought discredit on prophetic
study by wild and arrogant predictions about the end of the world, and on the
other, they have reduced their principle of interpretation to a system, and then
degraded it to a hobby. The result is fortunate in this respect, that the
evil cannot fail to cure itself, and the time cannot be far distant when the
"continuous historical interpretation," in the form and manner in which its
champions have propounded it, will be regarded as a vagary of the past. The
events of the first half of the present century produced on the minds of
Christians such an impression in its favor, that it bid fair to gain general
acceptance. But the late Mr. Elliott's great work has thoroughly exposed its
weaknesses. A perusal of the first five chapters of the Horae Apocalypticae
cannot fail to impress the reader with a sense of the genuineness and
importance of the writer's scheme, nor will he fail to appreciate the erudition
displayed, and the sobriety with which it is used. But when he passes from the
commentary upon the first five seals, to the account of the sixth seal, he must
experience a revulsion of feeling which will be strong just in proportion to his
apprehension of the trueness and solemnity of Holy Writ. Let any one read
the last six verses of the sixth chapter of Revelation, a passage the awful
solemnity of which has scarcely a parallel in Scripture, and with what feelings
will he turn to Mr. Elliott's book to find that the words are nothing more than
a prediction of the downfall of paganism in the fourth century!
The words of the Apocalyptic vision in relation to the great day of Divine wrath
(Revelation 6:17), are the language of Isaiah (13:9, 10) respecting "the day of
the Lord," and again of Joel's prophecy (Joel 2:1, 30, 31, quoted by St. Peter
on the day of Pentecost (Acts 2:16-20). Nor is this all. The twenty-fourth
chapter of St. Matthew is a Divine commentary upon the visions of the sixth
chapter of Revelation, and each of the seals has its counterpart in the Lord's
predictions of events preceding His second advent:, ending with the mention of
these same terrible convulsions of nature here described. Therefore, even if the
mind be "educated" up to the point of accepting such an interpretation of the
vision of the sixth seal, these other Scriptures remain to be accounted for.
Many other points in Mr. Elliott's scheme might be cited as equally faulty. Take
for example the labored essay on the subject of the two witnesses, culminating
in the amazing and-climax that their ascent to heaven (Revelation 11:12) was
fulfilled when Protestants obtained "an advancement to political dignity and
power." (Horae. Ap., 2., 410). Still more wild and reckless is his
exposition of Revelation 12:5. "It seems clear" (he says) "that whatever the
woman's hope in her travail, the lesser consummation was the one figured in the
man child's birth and assumption, viz., the elevation of the Christians,
first to recognition as a body politic, then very quickly to the
supremacy of the throne in the Roman Empire" (vol. 3., 12). The reference to
Wilberforce in connection with Revelation 15: is almost grotesque (vol. 3.,
430). And finally he drifts upon the rock on which every man who follows this
false system must inevitably be wrecked the chronology of prophecy:
proving by cumulative evidence that the year 1865 would usher in the
millennium, or if not 1865, then 1877 or 1882 (vol. 3., 256-266).
"An apocalyptic commentary which explains everything is self-convicted of
error." This dictum of Dan. Alford's (Gr. Test.. Revelation 11:2) applies
with full force to Mr. Elliott's book. Maintaining as he does that these visions
have received their absolute and final fulfillment, he is bound to explain
everything;" and as the result these lucubrations mar a work which if recast by
some intelligent student of prophecy would be of the highest value. In days like
these, when we have to contend for the very words of Scripture, we cannot afford
to dismiss them as harmless puerilities. They have given an impetus to the
skepticism of the age, and have encouraged Christian men to treat the most
solemn warnings of coming wrath as mere stage thunder.
Mr. Elliott's mantle appears now to have fallen upon the author of the
Approaching End of t/re Age. Mr. Grattan Guinness's treatise upon lunisolar
cycles and epacts will be deemed by many the most interesting and valuable
portion of the work. The study of it has confirmed an impression I have long
entertained, that in some mystic interpretation of the prophetic periods of
Daniel, the chronology of Gentile supremacy and of the Christian dispensation
lies concealed. Professor Birks, however, justly remarks, that it is "very
doubtful whether much of the specialty on which Mr. Guinness founds this part of
his theory is not due to a partial selection unconsciously made of some
epact numbers out of many, and that the special relations of the epacts to the
numbers 6, 7, 8, 13, would probably disappear on a comprehensive examination of
all the epact numbers" (Thoughts on Sacred Prophecy, p. 64).
It might also be remarked that with the latitude obtained by reckoning sometimes
in lunar years, sometimes in lunisolar years, and sometimes in ordinary Julian
years, the list of seeming chronological coincidences and parallelisms might be
still further increased. The period from the Council of Nice (A.D. 325) to the
death of Gregory XIII. (1585) was 1, 260 years. From the edict of Justinian
(533) to the French Revolution was 1, 260 years; and again from A.D. 606, when
the Emperor Phocas conferred the title of Pope on Boniface III., to the
overthrow of the temporal power (1866-1870), was also 1, 260 years. If these
facts prove anything, they prove, not that the periods mentioned are the
fulfillment of Daniel's visions, for Daniel's visions relate to the history of
Judah, with which these events have nothing to do, but that the chronology of
such events is marked by cycles composed of multiples of seventy. Therefore,
they greatly strengthen the a priori presumption that this is a general
characteristic of "the tithes and seasons" as divinely planned, and that the
visions will, hereafter, be literally fulfilled. In a word, such proofs prove
far too much for the cause they are intended to support.
I have already noticed the transparent fallacy of sup posing that the ten-horned
beast and the Babylon of the Apocalypse can both be typical of Rome (p.
134, ante). In the, Approaching End of the Age this fallacy is
accepted apparently without suspicion or misgiving, for the writer neither
adopts nor improves upon the pleasing romance by which Mr. Elliott attempts to
conceal the absurdity of such a view.
As the Harlot comes to her doom by the agency of the Beast, it is absolutely
certain that they are not identical; and every proof these writers urge to
establish that the Church of Rome is Babylon, is equally conclusive to prove
that the Papacy is not the Beast, the Man of Sin. Their whole system is like a
house of cards which falls to pieces the moment it is tried. As such books are
read by many who are unversed in history it may be well to repeat once more,
that the division of the Roman earth into ten kingdoms has never yet taken
place. That it has been partitioned is plain matter of history and of fact' that
it has ever been divided into ten is a mere conceit of writers of this school.
[23]
Of Daniel 9:24-27 Mr. Guinness writes, "From the then approaching command
to restore and to build again Jerusalem, to the coming of Messiah the Prince,
was to be seventy weeks" (p. 417). This is a typical instance of the
looseness of the historical school in dealing with Scripture. The words of the
prophecy are, "From the going forth of the commandment to restore and to build
Jerusalem unto the Messiah the Prince shall be seven weeks and threescore and
two weeks." [24]
As this error underlies his entire exposition of the prophecy which forms
the special subject of these pages, it is needless to discuss it. He follows
Prideaux in computing the weeks from the seventh year of Artaxerxes.
Again, in common with almost all commentators he confounds the seventy years of
Judah's servitude with the seventy years of the desolations of Jerusalem. The
prophecy he quotes from Jeremiah 25 (p. 414) was given in the fourth year of
Jehoiakim, whereas the servitude began in his third year; and it foretold a
judgment which fell seventeen years; later It would seem ungracious to notice'.
minor inaccuracies, such as that of confounding Belshazzar with Nabonidus, the
last king of Babylon.
Such a book is useful in so far as it deals positively with the historical
fulfillment as a primary and partial realization of the prophecies; and as a
full and fearless indictment of the Church of Rome it is most valuable. But in
the dogmatic negation of a literal fulfillment, in the blind and obstinate
determination to establish, no matter at what cost to Scripture, that the
Apocalypse has been "FULFILLED in the events of the Christian era," such a work
cannot fail to be dangerous and mischievous. The real question at issue here is
the character and value of the Bible. If the views of these writers be just, the
language of Holy Writ in such passages as the close of the sixth chapter of
Revelation is the most utter bombast. And if wild exaggeration characterize one
portion of the Scriptures, what confidence can we have in any part? If the Great
Day of Divine wrath, described in terms of unsurpassed solemnity, were nothing
but a brief crisis in the history of a campaign now long past, the words which
tell of the joy of the blessed and the doom of the impenitent may after all be
mere hyperbole, and the Christian's faith may be mere credulity.
NOTE D
THE TEN KINGDOMS
"PROPHECY is not given to enable us to prophesy," and no one who has
worthily pursued the study will fail to feel misgivings at venturing out upon
the tempting field of forecasting "things to come." By patient contemplation we
may clearly discern the main outlines of the landscape of the future; but "until
the day dawn," our apprehension of distances and details must be inadequate, if
not wholly false. The great facts of the future, so plainly revealed in
Scripture, have been touched on in preceding pages. For what follows here no
deference is claimed save what may be accorded to a "pious opinion" based on
earnest and careful inquiry.
Next to the restoration of the Jews, the most prominent political feature of the
future, according to Scripture, is the tenfold partition of the Roman earth. The
emphasis and definiteness with which ten kingdoms are specified, not only
in Daniel, but in the Revelation, forbid our interpreting the words as
describing merely a division of power such as has existed ever since the
disruption of the Roman Empire, though this is undoubtedly a feature of the
prophecy. Babylon, Persia, Greece, and Rome in turn sought to grasp universal
dominion. That there should be a commonwealth of nations living side by side at
peace, was a conception that nothing in the history of the world could have
suggested.
The principal clew which Scripture affords upon the subject is the connection
between these kingdoms and the Roman Empire. [25]
But some latitude must probably be allowed as to boundaries, otherwise we
should have to choose between two equally improbable alternatives, namely,
either that our own nation shall have sunk to the position of a province, not
even Ireland remaining under her sway, [26]
or else that the England which is to be numbered among the ten kingdoms
will include the vast empire of which this island is the heart and center. May
we not indulge the hope that however far our nation may lapse in evil days to
come from the high place which, with all her faults, she has held as the
champion of freedom and of truth, she will be saved from the degradation of
participating in the vile confederacy of the latter days?
These considerations as to boundaries apply also to Germany, though in a lower
degree; and Russia is clearly out of the reckoning altogether. The special
interest and importance of these conclusions depend upon the fact that the
antichrist is to be at first a patron and supporter of the religious apostasy of
Christendom, and that England, Germany, and Russia are precisely the three
first-rate Powers who are outside the pale of Rome.
But there is no doubt that Egypt, Turkey, and Greece will be numbered among the
ten kingdoms; [27]
and is it not improbable in the extreme that these nations will ever
accept the leadership of a man who is to appear as the champion and patron of
the Latin Church? A striking solution of this difficulty will probably be found
in the definite prediction, that while the ten kingdoms will ultimately own his
suzerainty, three of the ten will be brought into subjection by force of
arms (Daniel 7:24.)
Turning again to the West, the names of France, Austria, Italy, and Spain
present themselves; and seven of the kingdoms are thus accounted for. Can the
list be completed? Belgium, Switzerland, and Portugal remain, and these too
would claim a place were we dealing with the Europe of today; but as it is the
future we are treating of, any attempt to press the matter further seems futile.
It has been confidently urged by some that as the ten kingdoms were symbolized
by the ten toes of Nebuchadnezzar's image, five on either foot, five of
these kingdoms must be developed in the East, and five in the West. The argument
is plausible, and possibly just; but its chief force depends upon forgetting
that in the prophet's view the Levant and not the Adriatic, Jerusalem and not
Rome, is the center of the world.
To the scheme here indicated the objection may naturally be raised: Is it
possible that the most powerful nations of the world, England, Germany, and
Russia, are to have no part in the great drama of the last days? But it must be
remembered, first, that the relative importance of the great Powers may be
different at the time when these events shall be fulfilled, and secondly, that
difficulties of this kind may depend entirely on the silence of
Scripture, or, in other words, on our own ignorance. I feel bound to notice,
however, that doubts which have been raised in my mind regarding the soundness
of the received interpretation of the seventh chapter of Daniel point to a more
satisfactory answer to the difficulties in question.
As the vision of the second chapter specifies the four empires which were
successively to rule the world, and as the seventh chapter also enumerates four
"kingdoms," and expressly identifies the fourth of these with the fourth -
kingdom of the earlier vision, the inference appears legitimate that the scope
of both visions is the same throughout. And this conclusion is apparently
confirmed by some of the details afforded of the kingdoms typified by the lion,
the bear, and the leopard. So strong indeed is the prima facie case in
support of this view, that I have not felt at liberty to depart from it in the
foregoing pages. At the same time I am constrained to own that this case is less
complete than it appears to be, and that grave difficulties arise in connection
with it; and the following observations are put forward tentatively to promote
inquiry in the matter:--
All this and more might be added [30]
suggests that the entire vision of the seventh chapter may have a
future reference. We have already seen that sovereign power is to be with a
confederacy of ten nations ultimately heading up in one great Kaiser, and that
several of what are now the first-rate Powers are to be outside that
confederacy: it is in the last degree improbable, therefore, that such a
supremacy will be attained save after a tremendous struggle. At this moment the
international politics of the old world center in the Eastern Question, which is
after all merely a question of the balance of power in the Mediterranean. Now
Daniel 7:2 expressly names the Mediterranean ("the Great Sea") as the scene of
the conflict between the four beasts. May not the opening portion of the vision
then refer to the gigantic struggle which must come some day for supremacy in
the Mediterranean, which will doubtless carry with it the sovereignty of the
world? The lion may possibly typify England, whose vast naval power may be
symbolized by the eagle's wings. The plucking of the wings may represent the
loss of her position as mistress of the seas. And if such should be the result
of the impending struggle, we would be eager to believe that her after course
shall be characterized by moral and mental pre-eminence: the beast, we read, was
"made to stand upon the feet as a man, and a man's heart was given to it."
If the British lion have a place in the vision, the Muscovite bear can scarcely
be omitted; and it may confidently be averred that the bear of the prophecy may
represent the Russia of today fully as well as the Persia of Cyrus and Darius.
The definiteness of the symbolism used in respect of the leopard (or panther) of
the vision makes it more difficult to refer this portion of the prophecy to
Germany or any oilier nation in particular. It would be easy to make out an
ad captandum case in support of such a view, but it may suffice to remark
that if the prophecy be still unfulfilled, its meaning will be incontestable
when the time arrives.
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CHRONOLOGICAL DIAGRAM OF THE HISTORY OF JUDAH
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APPENDIX 3. Back
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A RETROSPECT AND A REPLY
"TAKE heed that no man deceive you." Such were the first words of our Lord's
reply to the inquiry, "What shall be the sign of Thy coming, and of the end of
the age?" And the warning is needed still. "It is not for you to know the times
or the seasons," was almost His last utterance on earth, before He was taken up.
And if this knowledge was denied to His holy apostles and prophets, we may be
sure it has not been disclosed to us today. Nor can a secret which, as the Lord
declared, "the Father hath put in His own power," (Acts
1:7) be discovered by astronomical research or flights of higher
mathematics.
But, on the other hand, no thoughtful Christian can ignore the signs and
portents which mark the days we live in. I little thought as I penned the
introductory chapter of this book that the advance of infidelity would be with
such terribly rapid strides. In the few brief years that have since elapsed the
growth of skepticism within the Churches has exceeded even the gloomiest
forecast. And side by side with this, again, the spread of spiritualism and
demon-worship has been appalling. Its rotaries are reckoned by tens of
thousands; and in America it has already been systematized into a religion, with
a recognized creed and cult.
But these dark features of our times, striking and solemn though they be, are
not the most significant. While the warned-against apostasy of the last days
thus seems to be drawing near, we are gladdened by signal triumphs of the Cross.
It is not merely that at home and abroad the Gospel is being preached by such
multitudes with a freedom never known before, but that, in a way unprecedented
since the days of the Apostles, the Jews are coming to the faith of Christ. The
fact is but little known that during the last few years more than a quarter of a
million copies of the New Testament in Hebrew have been circulated among the
Jews in Eastern Europe, and the result has been their conversion to
Christianity, not by ones and twos, as in the past, but in large and increasing
numbers. Entire communities in some places have, through reading the word of
God, accepted the despised Nazarene as the true Messiah. This is wholly without
parallel since Pentecostal times.
Then again, the return of the Jews to Palestine is one of the strangest facts of
the day. There is scarcely a country in the world that does not offer more
attractions to the settler, be he agriculturist or trader; and yet, since The
Coming Prince was written, more Jews have migrated to the land of their
fathers than returned with Ezra when the decree of Cyrus brought the servitude
to a close. But yesterday the prophecy that Jerusalem should be inhabited "as
towns without walls" seemed to belong to a future far remote. The houses beyond
the gates were few in number, and no one ventured abroad there after nightfall.
Today the existence of a large and growing Jewish town outside the walls is a
fact within the knowledge of every tourist, and year by year the immigration and
the building still go on.
If I venture to touch upon the international politics of Europe, it will be but
briefly, in connection with the prophecy of the seventh chapter of Daniel. I
have given in detail my reasons for suggesting that the "historical"
interpretation of that vision does not exhaust its meaning,
[1]
and I own to a deepening conviction that every part of it awaits its
fulfillment. There, as elsewhere in the Scriptures, "the great sea" must surely
mean the Mediterranean; and a terrible struggle for supremacy in the Levant
appears to be the burden of the earlier portion of the vision. The nearness of
such a struggle is now being anxiously discussed in every capital in Europe, and
nowhere more anxiously than here at home. Never indeed since the days of Pitt
has there been such cause for national anxiety; and the question of the balance
of power in the Mediterranean has recently gained a prominence and interest
greater and more acute than ever before attached to it.
I will not notice topics of a more doubtful character, but confine myself to
these; nor will I attempt by word-painting to exaggerate their significance. But
here we are face to face with great public facts. On the one hand, there is this
spread of infidelity and demon-worship, preparing the way for the great infidel
and devil-inspired apostasy of the last days; and, on the other hand, there are
these spiritual and national movements among the Jews, wholly without precedent
during all the eighteen centuries which have elapsed since their dispersion.
And, finally, the Cabinets of Europe are watching anxiously for the beginning of
a struggle such as prophecy warns us will ultimately herald the rise of the last
great monarch of Christendom. Is all this to be ignored? Is there not here
enough on which to base, I will not say the belief, but an earnest hope, that
the end may be drawing near? If its nearness be presented as a hope, I cherish
and rejoice in it; if it be urged as a dogma, or an article of faith, I utterly
repudiate and condemn it.
As we dwell on these things a double caution will be opportune. These events and
movements are not in themselves the fulfillment of the prophecies, but merely
indications on which to found the hope that the time for their fulfillment is
approaching. Any who searched their Bibles amidst the strange, and startling,
and solemn events of a century ago must surely have concluded that the crisis;
was then at hand; and it may be that once more the tide: which now seems so
rapidly advancing may again recede:. and generations of Christians now unborn
may still be: waiting and watching upon earth. Who will dare to set a limit to
the long-suffering of God? and this is His own explanation of His seeming
"slackness." (2 Peter 3:9.)
We need further to be warned against the error into which the Thessalonian
Christians were betrayed. Their conversion was described as a turning from idols
to serve the true God and "to wait for His Son from heaven." And the coming of
the Lord was presented to them as a practical and present hope, to comfort and
gladden them as they mourned their dead. (1 Thessalonians 1:9, 10, and 4:13-18.)
But when the Apostle passed on to speak of "the times and seasons" and "the day
of Jehovah," (1 Thessalonians 5:1-3.) they misunderstood the teaching; and,
supposing that the coming of the Lord was immediately connected with the day of
Jehovah, they concluded that that awful day was breaking. On both points they
were wholly wrong. In the Second Epistle the Apostle wrote, "Now we beseech you,
brethren, in behalf of the coming of our Lord Jesus Christ and our gathering
together unto Him, to the end that ye be not quickly shaken from your mind, nor
yet be troubled, either by spirit, or by word, or by epistle as from us
[referring of course to the First Epistle], as that the day of the Lord is now
present." [2]
"The times and seasons" are connected with Israel's hope and the events
which will precede the realization of it. (Acts 1:6, 7.) The Church's hope is
wholly independent of them. And if the Christians of the early days were taught
to "live looking for that blessed hope," how much more may we! Not a line of
prophecy must first be fulfilled; not a single event need intervene. And any
system of interpretation-or of doctrine which clashes with this, and thus
falsities the teaching of the Apostles of our Lord, stands thereby condemned.
[3]
Let us then beware lest we fall into the common error of exaggerating the
importance of contemporary movements and events, great and solemn though they
be; and let the Christian take heed lest the contemplation of these things
should lead him to forget his heavenly citizenship and his heavenly hope. The
realization of that hope will but clear the stage for the display of the last
great drama of earth's history as foretold in prophecy.
If the digression may be pardoned, it may be well to amplify this, and explain'
my meaning more fully. That Israel will again be restored to the place of
privilege and blessing upon earth is not a matter of opinion, but of faith; and
no one who accepts the Scriptures as Divine can question it. Here the language
of the Hebrew prophets is unusually explicit. Still more emphatic, by reason of
the time when it was given, is the testimony of the Epistle to the Romans. The
very position of that Epistle in the sacred Canon gives prominence to the fact
that the Jew had then been set aside. The New Testament opens by chronicling the
birth of Him who was Son of Abraham and Son of David, (Matthew 1:1.) the seed to
whom the promises were made and the rightful Heir to the scepter once entrusted
to Judah; and the Gospels record His death at the hands of the favored people.
Following the Gospels comes the narrative of the renewed offer of mercy to that
people, and of their rejection of it. "To the Jew first" is stamped upon every
page of the Acts of the Apostles; and it characterized the transitional
Pentecostal dispensation of which that book is the record. The Pentecostal
Church was essentially Jewish. Not only were the Gentiles in a minority, but
their position was one of comparative tutelage, as the record of the Council of
Jerusalem gives proof. (Acts 15. See also chap. 11:19.) Even the Apostle
of the Gentiles, in the whole course of his ministry, brought the Gospel first
to the Jews. "It was necessary that the word of God should first have
been spoken to you," he said to them at Antioch. (Acts 13:46; cf. 17:2,
18:4.) "The salvation of God is sent unto the Gentiles, and they will hear it,"
was his final word to them at Rome when they rejected his testimony and
"departed." (Acts 28:29.)
And the next book of the Canon is addressed to believing Gentiles. But in
that very Epistle the Gentiles are warned that "God has not cast away His
people." Through unbelief the branches are broken off, but the root remains, and
"God is able to graft them in again." "And so all Israel shall be saved, as it
is written, There shall come out of Sion the Deliverer, and He shall turn away
ungodliness from Jacob." [4]
. Judgment will in that day mingle with mercy, for He "whose fan is in
His hand" will then gather His wheat into the garner, but burn up the chaff with
unquenchable fire. The true remnant of the covenant people will become the "all
Israel" of days of future blessedness.
That remnant was typified by the "men of Galilee" who stood around Him on the
Mount of Olives as "He was taken up, and a cloud received Him out of their
sight." And as with straining eyes they watched Him, two angel messengers
appeared to renew the promise which God had given centuries before through
Zechariah the prophet:
A glance at the prophecy will suffice to show that the event it speaks of is
wholly different from the Coming of the First Epistle to the Thessalonians. It
is the same Lord Jesus, truly, who is coming for His Church of this dispensation
and coming to His earthly people gathered in Jerusalem in a dispensation to
follow; but otherwise these "Comings" have absolutely nothing in common. The
later manifestation His return to the Mount of Olives is an event as
definitely localized as was His ascension from that same Mount of Olives; and
its purpose is declared to be to bring deliverance to His people on earth in the
hour of their supreme peril. Tim earlier Coming will have no relation to
locality at all. All the wide world over, wherever His dead have been laid to
rest, "the trump of God" shall call them back to life, in "spiritual bodies"
like His own; and wherever living "saints" are found, they "will be changed, in
a moment, in the twinkling of an eye," and all shall be caught up together to
meet Him in the air. While the profane skeptic ridicules all this, and the
religious skeptic ignores it, the believer remembers that his Lord was thus
caught up to heaven; and as he ponders the promise, his wonder leads to worship,
not to unbelief.
And this event, which is the Church's proper hope, is as independent of the
chronology, as it is of the geography, of earth. It is with the fulfillment of
Irsrael's hope that the "times and seasons" have to do, and the signs and
portents that belong to them. The Lord's public manifestation to the world is a
further event distinct from both. Our Jehovah-God will come with all His holy
ones; (Zechariah 14:5.) the Lord Jesus will be revealed in flaming fire, taking
vengeance. [5]
What interval of time will separate these successive stages of "the
Second Advent," we cannot tell. It is a secret not revealed. All that concerns
us is, "rightly dividing the word of truth," to mark that they are in all
respects distinct. [6]
I use the expression "Second Advent" merely as a concession to popular
theology, for it has no Scriptural warrant. It would be better to discard it
altogether, for it is the cause of much confusion of thought and not a little
positive error. It is a purely theological term, and it belongs properly to the
great and final Coming to judge the world. But while many refuse to believe that
there will be any revelation of Christ to His people upon earth until the epoch
of that great crisis, the more careful student of Scripture finds there the
clearest proof that there will be a "Coming" before the era popularly
called "the millennium." Here again there are those who, while clearly
recognizing a "pre-millennial advent," have failed to notice the difference, so
plainly marked in Scripture, between the Coming for the Church of the present
dispensation, the Coming to the earthly people in Jerusalem, and the Coming to
destroy the Lawless One and to set up the kingdom.
But, it may be urged, Is not the expression justified by the closing verse of
the ninth chapter of Hebrews? It is only the superficial reader of the passage,
I reply, who can use it thus. "Unto them that look for Him shall He appear the
second time," our Authorized Version renders it. And the words are taken as
though they were equivalent to "His second appearing," "the Appearing" being a
recognized synonym for "the Coming." But this is merely: trading on the language
of our English version. The word actually employed is wholly different. It is a
general word, and it is the very word used with reference to His manifestation
to His disciples after the Resurrection. [7]
And further, the definite article must be omitted:
The statement is not prophetic, but doctrinal; and the doctrine in question
is not the Advent, but the priesthood. It is not the prediction of an event to
be realized by those who shall be alive on earth at the time of the end, but the
declaration of a truth and a fact to be realized by every believer, no matter in
what dispensation his sojourn upon earth may fall.
The passage therefore cannot be appealed to in support of the dogma that never
again but once will Christ appear to His people upon earth. And as the
expression "Second Advent" is so intimately connected with that dogma, it would
be well that all intelligent students of Scripture should unite in discarding
it. The Coming of Christ is the hope of His people in every age.
------------------------------
The only adverse criticism I have seen of The Coming Prince has appeared
in later editions of The Approaching End of the Age. Feelings of esteem
and friendship for the author influenced my notice of that work, but no
considerations of this kind have restrained his pen in replying to my
strictures; and the fact that a writer so able and so bitterly hostile has not
ventured to question in a single point the main conclusions here
established is a signal proof that they are irrefutable.
Dr. Grattan Guinness complains that I have made no attempt to "reply" to his
book. My only reference to it has been made incidentally in an appendix note;
and in so far as it deals with the "primary and partial realization of the
prophecies" I have taken the liberty of praising it. Why then should I "reply
"to a treatise in respect of that in it which I value and adopt? These pages
give proof how thoroughly I accept a historical interpretation of prophecy;
[8]
and if any one demands why then I have not given it greater prominence, I
recall St. James's answer when the Apostles were accused of neglecting in their
teaching the writings of Moses. "Moses," he declared, "hath in every city them
that teach him. "What was needed, therefore, if the equilibrium of doctrine was
to be maintained, was that they should teach grace. On similar
grounds the task I here set myself was to deal with the fulfillment of
the prophecies. But I have no controversy with those who use their every talent
in unfolding the "historical" interpretation of them. My quarrel is only with
men who practically deny the Divine authorship of the sacred word, by asserting
that their apprehension of it is the limit of its scope, and exhausts its
meaning. And The Coming Prince is a crushing reply to the system which
dares to write". Fulfilled" across the prophetic page. "The real question at
issue here," I again repeat, "is the character and value of the Bible." Dr.
Guinness asserts that the apocalyptic visions have been fulfilled in the
events of the Christian era. I hold him to that issue, and I test it by a
reference to the vision of the sixth chapter. Has this been fulfilled, as in
fact he dares to assert it has? The question is vital, for if this vision still
awaits fulfillment, so also do all the prophecies which follow it. Let the
reader decide this question for himself, after studying the closing verses of
the chapter, ending with the words, "For THE GREAT DAY OF HIS WRATH IS COME, and
who shall be able to stand?"
The old Hebrew prophets were inspired of God to describe the terrors of "the
great day of His wrath," and the Holy Spirit has here reproduced their very
words. (Cf. Isaiah 13:9, 10, and Joel 2:31, 3:15; see also
Zephaniah 1:14, 15.) The Bible contains no warnings more awful in their
solemnity and definiteness. But just as the lawyer writes "Spent" across a
statute of which the purpose has been satisfied, so these men would teach us to
write "Fulfilled" across the sacred page. They tell us, forsooth, that the
vision meant nothing more than to predict the rout of pagan hordes by
Constantine [9]
To speak thus is to come perilously near the warned-against sin of those
who "take away from the words of the book of this prophecy." But when our
thoughts turn to these teachers themselves we are restrained by remembering
their piety and zeal, for "their praise is in all the Churches." Let us then
banish from our minds all thoughts of the men, and seize upon the
system which they advocate and support. No appeal to honored names should
here be listened to. Names as honorable, and a hundred times more numerous, can
be cited in defense of some of the crassest errors which corrupt the faith of
Christendom. What then, I ask, shall be our judgment on a system of
interpretation which thus blasphemes the God of truth by representing the most
awful warnings of Scripture as wild exaggeration of a sort but little removed
from falsehood?
If it be urged that the events of fifteen centuries ago, or of some other epoch
in the Christian dispensation, were within the scope of the prophecy, we can
consider the suggestion on its merits; but when we are told that the prophecy
was thus fulfilled, we can hold no parley with the teaching. It is the
merest trifling with Scripture. And more than this, it clashes with the great
charter truth of Christianity. If the day of wrath has come, the day of grace is
past, and the Gospel of grace is no longer a Divine message to mankind. To
suppose that the day of wrath can be an episode in the dispensation of grace is
to betray ignorance of grace and to bring Divine wrath into contempt. The grace
of God in this day of grace surpasses human thought; His wrath in the day of
wrath will be no less Divine. The, breaking of the sixth seal heralds the
dawning of that awful day; the visions of the seventh seal unfold its
unutterable terrors. But, we are told, the pouring out of the vials, the "seven
plagues which are the last, for in them is finished the wrath of God,"
(Revelation 15:1, R.V.) is being now accomplished. The sinner, therefore, may
comfort himself with the knowledge that Divine wrath is but stage thunder,
which, in a practical and busy world, may safely be ignored!
[10]
I called attention to Dr. Guinness's statement that "from the then
approaching command to restore and to build again Jerusalem to the coming of
Messiah the Prince was to be seventy weeks"; and I added," This is a
typical instance of the looseness of the historical school in dealing with
Scripture." Of this, and of some other errors which I noticed, the only defense
he offers is that "expressions not strictly correct, yet perfectly legitimate,
because evidently elliptical, are for brevity's sake employed." How
brevity is attained by writing "seventy" instead of "sixty-nine" I cannot
conceive. The statement is a sheer perversion of Scripture, unconsciously made,
no doubt, to suit the exigencies of a false system of interpretation. The
prophecy plainly declares the period "unto Messiah the Prince" to be
sixty-nine weeks, leaving the seventieth week to be accounted for after
the specified epoch; but Dr. Guinness's system can give no reasonable
account of the seventieth week, and so, unconsciously, I repeat, he shirks the
difficulty by misreading the passage. Insist on his reading it aright and
accounting for the last seven years of the prophetic period, and his
interpretation of the vision at once stands refuted and exposed.
When the language of Scripture is treated so loosely by this writer, no one need
be surprised if my words fare badly at his hands. He is wholly incapable
of deliberate misrepresentation, and yet his inveterate habit of inaccuracy has
led him to misread The Coming Prince on almost every point on which he
refers to it. [11]
The fact is, he only knows two schools of prophetic interpretation, the
Futurist and his own; and therefore he seems unable even to understand a book
which is throughout a protest against the narrowness of the one and the mingled
narrowness and wildness of the other. But his personal references are unworthy
of the writer and of the subject. I pass on to deal with the only points on
which his criticisms are of any general interest or importance; I mean the
predicted division of the Roman earth, and the relations between Antichrist and
the apostate Church.
My statement was: "The division of the Roman earth into ten kingdoms has never
yet taken place. That it has been partitioned is plain matter of history and of
fact; that it has ever been divided into ten is a mere conceit of writers of
this school."
"An astonishingly reckless assertion" Dr. Guinness declares this to be; and yet
we have but to turn the page to obtain from his own pen the plainest admission
of its truth. It must be borne in mind, he says, that the ten kingdoms are to be
sought "only in the territory west of Greece." And if we are prepared to
accept this theory, we shall find, after making large allowances as to
boundaries, that in this, which is prophetically the least important moiety
of the Roman earth, "the number of the kingdoms of the European commonwealth
has, as a rule, averaged ten." Mr. Guinness gives a dozen lists and he tells
us he has a hundred more in reserve to prove that, with kaleidoscopic
instability and vagueness, or, to quote his words, "amidst increasing and almost
countless fluctuations, the kingdoms of modern Europe have from their birth to
the present day always averaged about ten in number." "Averaged about ten,"
mark, though the prophecy specifies ten with a definiteness which
becomes absolute by its mention of an eleventh rising up and subduing three of
them. And "modern Europe," too! Zeal for the Protestant cause seems to blind
these men to the plainest teaching of Scripture. Jerusalem, and not Rome, is the
center of the Divine prophecies and of God's dealings with His people; and the
attempt to explain Daniel's visions upon a system which ignores Daniel's city
and people does violence to the very rudiments of prophetic teaching. This
vaunted canon of interpretation, which reads "modern Europe" instead of the
prophetic earth, is, I repeat, "a mere conceit of writers of this school." First
they minimize and tamper with the language of prophecy, and then they exaggerate
and distort the facts of history to suit their garbled reading of it. "Can
they," Dr. Guinness demands of us, "alter or add to this tenfold list of the
great kingdoms now occupying the sphere of old Rome? Italy, Austria,
Switzerland, France, Germany, England, Holland, Belgium, Spain, and Portugal.
Ten, and no more! ten, and no less!" I answer, Yes, we can both alter it and add
to it. The list includes territory which was never within "the sphere of old
Rome" at all, and it omits altogether nearly half of the Roman earth.
This is bad enough, but it is not all. For if we accept his statements, and seek
to interpret the thirteenth chapter of Revelation by them, he at once changes
his ground and protests against our numbering "Protestant nations "among the ten
horns at all. They are "chronologically out of the question," he tells us. Here
is the language of this vision about Antichrist. "And
there was given to him authority over every tribe, and people, and tongue, and
nation. And all that dwell on the earth shall worship him, every one whose name
hath not been written in the book of life." (Revelation 13:7, 8, R.V.) What
mean these most definite and solemn words? Nothing, he tells us, but that
"throughout the Dark Ages," and "prior to the rise of Protestantism," the Roman
Catholic religion should prevail in the western moiety of the Roman earth. This,
he declares, is "the fulfillment of the prediction." He calls this
"explaining" Scripture. Most people would call it explaining it away!
I now come to the last point. "Our critics maintain," Dr. Guinness writes, "that
Babylon runs her career, and is destroyed by the ten horns, who then agree and
give their power to Antichrist, or the Beast. That is, they hold that the reign
of Antichrist follows the destruction of Babylon by the ten horns."
The foundation of this statement must be sought in the author's own lucubrations,
for nothing to account for it will be found in the pages he criticizes; and a
similar remark applies to his references to The Coming Prince in the
paragraphs which follow. I will not allude to them in detail, but in a few
sentences dispose of the position he is seeking to defend.
We have now got to the seventeenth chapter of Revelation. His argument is this.
The eighth head of the Beast must be a dynasty; the Beast carries the Woman; the
Woman is the Church of Rome. Therefore the dynasty symbolized by the eighth head
must have lasted as long as the Church of Rome; and thus the Protestant
interpretation is settled "on a foundation not to be removed."
It is not really worth while pausing to show how gratuitous are some of the
assumptions here implied. Let us, for the sake of argument, accept them all, and
what comes of it? In the first place, Dr. Guinness is hopelessly involved in the
transparent fallacy I warned him against in this volume. The Woman is destroyed
by the agency of the Beast. How then is he going to separate the Pope from the
apostate Church of which he is the head, and which, according to the "Protestant
interpretation," would cease to be the apostate Church if he were no longer
owned as head?
The historicist must here make choice between the Woman and the Beast. They are
distinct throughout the vision, and in direct antagonism at the close. If the
Harlot represents the Church of Rome, his system gives no account whatever of
the Beast; it ignores altogether the foremost figure in the prophecy, and the
vaunted "foundation" of the so-called "Protestant interpretation" vanishes into
air. Or if he takes refuge upon the other horn of the dilemma, and maintains
that the Beast symbolizes the apostate.. Church, the Harlot remains to be
accounted for. He, forgets, moreover, that the Beast appears in Daniel's
visions; in relation to Jerusalem and Judah. Suppose, therefore,. we should
admit everything he says, what would it amount to? Merely a contention that "the
springing and germinant accomplishment" of these prophecies "throughout many'
ages" (I quote Lord Bacon's words once more) is fuller, and clearer than his
critics can admit, or the facts of history' will warrant. The truth still stands
out plainly that "the height or fullness of them" belongs to an age to come:,
when Judah shall once more be gathered in the Promised Land, and the light of
prophecy which now rests dimly' upon Rome shall again be focused on Jerusalem.
The popularity of the historical system lies no doubt in the appeal it makes to
the "Protestant spirit." But surely we can afford to be sensible and fair in our
denunciation of the Church of Rome. Who can fail to perceive the growth of an
antichristian movement that may soon lead [ us to hail the devout Romanist as an
ally? With such, the Bible, neglected though it be, is still held sacred as the
inspired word of God; and our Divine Lord is reverenced and worshipped, albeit
the truth of His Divinity is obscured by error and superstition. I appeal here
to the Pope's Encyclical Letter of the 18th November, 1893, on the study of the
Holy Scriptures. The following is an extract from it:--
"We fervently desire that a greater number of the faithful should undertake the
defense of the holy writings, and attach themselves to it with constancy; and,
above all, we desire that those who have been admitted to Holy Orders by the
grace of God should daily apply themselves more strictly and zealously to read,
meditate upon, and explain the Scriptures. Nothing can be better suited to their
state. In addition to the excellence of such knowledge and the obedience due to
the word of God, another motive impels us to believe that the study of the
Scriptures should be counseled. That motive is the abundance of advantages which
follow from it, and of which we have the guarantee in the words of Holy Writ:
'All Scripture is given by inspiration of God, and is profitable for doctrine,
for reproof, for correction, for instruction in righteousness, that the man of
God may be perfect, thoroughly furnished unto all good works. It is with this
design that God gave man the Scriptures; the examples of our Lord Jesus Christ
and His apostles show it. Jesus Himself was accustomed to appeal to the holy
writings in testimony of His Divine mission."
There is here surely, in some sense at least, the ground for a common faith,
which might, as regards individual Christians, be owned as a bond of
brotherhood; but an impassable gulf divides us from the ever-increasing host of
so-called Protestants who deny the Divinity of Christ and the inspiration of the
Scriptures. These have their true place in the great army of infidelity which
will muster at last around the banner of the Antichrist.
My protest is made, not in defense of the Papacy, but of the Bible. If any one
can point to a single passage of Scripture relating to Antichrist,
whether in the Old Testament or in the New, which can, without whittling it
down, and frittering away the meaning of the words, find its fulfillment
in Popery, I will publicly retract, and confess my error. Take 2 Thessalonians
2:4 as a sample of the rest. The "man of sin" "opposeth and exalteth himself
against all that is called God or that is worshipped [Greek, that is an object
of worship], so that he sitteth in the temple of God, setting himself forth as
God." This means merely, forsooth, that on certain occasions the Pope's seat in
St. Peter's is raised above the level of the altar on which the "consecrated
wafer" lies! Such statements I care not what names may be cited in support of
them are an insult to our intelligence and an outrage upon the word of God.
[12]
Then, again, in the ninth verse, the coming of the "Lawless One" is said
to be "according to the working of Satan, with all power and signs and lying
wonders." These words are explained by the vision of the Beast in the thirteenth
chapter of the Revelation, which declares that "the Dragon gave him his power,
and his throne, and great authority." And we have from the lips of our blessed
Lord Himself the warning, that the "great signs and wonders," thus to be wrought
by Satanic power, shall be such that, "if it were possible, they shall deceive
the very elect." (Matthew 24:24.) In a word, the awful and mysterious power of
Satan will be brought to bear upon Christendom with such terrible effect, that
human intellect will be utterly confounded. Agnosticism and infidelity will
capitulate in presence of overwhelming proof that supernatural agencies are at
work. And if faith itself, divinely given, shall stand the test, it is only
because it is impossible for God to allow His own elect to perish.
When we demand the meaning of all this, we get answer "Popery." But where, we
ask, are the "great signs and wonders" of the Popish system? And, in reply, we
are told of its millinery, and its mummery, and all the well-known artifices of
priestcraft, which constitute its special stock-in-trade. As though there were
anything in these to deceive the elect of God! To take the low ground of
mere Protestantism, it is notorious that here in England none become entangled
in the toils of Rome save such as have already become enervated and corrupted by
sacerdotalism and superstition within the communion they abandon. And it is no
less notorious that, in Roman Catholic countries, the majority of men maintain
towards it an attitude of either benevolent or contemptuous indifference.
Remembering, moreover, that the followers of the Beast are doomed to endless and
hopeless destruction, we go on to inquire whether this is to be the fate of
every Roman Catholic. By no means, we are assured; for, in spite of the evils
and errors of the Romish Church, some within its pale are reckoned among the
number of "God's elect."
What conclusion, then, are we to come to? Are we to accept it as a canon of
interpretation that Scripture never means what it says? Are we to hold that its
language is so loose and unreliable as to be practically false? We repudiate the
profane suggestion; and, adopting the only possible alternative, we boldly
assert that all these solemn words still await their fulfillment. In a word, we
are shut up to the conclusion that THE ANTICHRIST IS YET TO COME.
.